By Muhammad Mamman
Nigeria has spent an eye-watering ₦981.5 billion (£5.48 billion) conducting seven general elections since 1999, making its polls some of the most expensive in Africa—and among the costliest in the world. Yet, despite the huge outlay, the credibility of successive elections has steadily declined, with disputes and petitions rising dramatically.
Since the return to civil rule in 1999, the country has held six transition elections. The 1999 polls, conducted by the outgoing military regime at a cost of ₦32 billion ($1.46bn), remain the least disputed yet the most expensive in dollar terms due to exchange rates at the time. By 2023, the bill had skyrocketed to ₦355.3 billion ($815.5m), with nearly 2,000 petitions filed—the highest in Nigeria’s electoral history.
Escalating Costs, Escalating Disputes
The trend tells its own story:
- 1999 – ₦32bn ($1.46bn), 2 petitions
- 2003 – ₦55.2bn ($484m), 560 petitions
- 2007 – ₦74.2bn ($618m), 1,290 petitions
- 2011 – ₦99.7bn ($665m), 732 petitions
- 2015 – ₦122.9bn ($647m), 560 petitions
- 2019 – ₦242.2bn ($794m), 1,697 petitions
- 2023 – ₦355.3bn ($815.5m), 1,996 petitions
Altogether, ₦981.47bn ($5.48bn) has been poured into elections, producing 6,840 legal disputes in 24 years.
Among the World’s Costliest
Nigeria’s elections outstrip those of many countries with larger populations. Pakistan, with 253 million people, spent just $164.5m on its 2024 general elections. Russia spent $336.7m in the same year, while Canada’s 2021 polls cost $497.7m. Even India, with nearly a billion registered voters, spent only $2.89bn—far more cost-effective per voter than Nigeria.
In Africa, the comparison is stark: Kenya spent $257m on its 2022 polls; Ghana, $52.1m in 2024; and South Africa, $137.8m in 2024. Only the United States, where the 2024 elections cost $15.9bn, and India’s vast electoral exercise, outpace Nigeria in absolute terms.
Why So Expensive?
Analysts cite corruption, widespread destruction of electoral materials, a “do-or-die” political culture, and complex logistics across difficult terrains as key drivers of ballooning costs. For each election cycle, INEC has had to replace damaged facilities, invest in new technology—from Direct Data Capture (DDC) machines in 2011 to BVAS in 2023—and carry out continuous voter registration exercises.
Despite these investments, election credibility has declined. Ballot snatching, falsification of results, late arrival of electoral officials, and malfunctioning equipment remain commonplace.
INEC’s Defence
INEC Chairman, Professor Mahmood Yakubu, has consistently argued that the Commission is underfunded. Defending a ₦18bn supplementary budget for the 2023 elections, he said much of the money went into staff allowances and logistical costs, with provisions for outstanding bye-elections and off-cycle governorship polls.
For 2025, INEC requested ₦126bn to prepare for the 2027 elections, but after initial resistance from the Federal Government, the National Assembly approved ₦140bn. Yakubu insists greater investment is essential to improve Nigeria’s electoral process.
High Spending, Low Trust
Yet, Nigerians remain sceptical. Each successive election has been more expensive than the last, yet less trusted. From only two petitions in 1999 to nearly 2,000 in 2023, the mismatch between rising costs and declining credibility raises fundamental questions about the sustainability of Nigeria’s democracy.
